The Way Ahead

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National Front Disco (unreg.)

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What follows is an important article from the British National Party website which should be of interest to all UK Morrissey fans who are proud of their heritage and of being British and who feel that it's time to rise against the liberal tide of immigration and the denigration of family values.

"Poor Asian boy
What drugs are you on?"

Morrissey "Asian Rut" (1991)

THE WAY AHEAD by BNP Chairman, Nick Griffin

THIS is going to be our century! The last one hundred years of the old millennium saw the triumph of internationalism in its various forms, principally Marxism and globalist liberalism. The temporary victory of these unnatural, anti-human pseudo-religions led inevitably to human misery and cultural and environmental destruction on an unprecedented scale. It is no coincidence that the materialist century was the bloodiest and most brutal in the history of mankind. And even when there hasn't been war, every European nation in the world has had to endure catastrophically low birth-rates combined with a relentlessly rising suicide rate among young men, the normalisation of homosexuality, deadly self-inflicted eating disorders among young women, and the development of a deadly drugs anti-culture among young people generally. Together with the miscegenation that follows racial integration, these things are both the symptoms and the expression of national and ethnic suicide.

But even as we wade through the rotten fruits of liberalism, the new, green shoots of national revival can be seen pushing through the detritus of the old century at every turn: The new science of genetics is exposing egalitarianism and environmentalism, the foundations of both liberalism and Marxism, as fraudulent superstitions; expressions of national, religious and ethnic identities which a few years ago seemed doomed to drown in the blood let loose by Communism or in a global sea of Coca-Cola, are on the rise around the world; in country after country, new political movements based on traditional values take two steps forward for every one they are forced to make backwards; of the three great powers which carved up the world at Yalta, one has lost its empire and become a mere province in someone else's, one has collapsed into economic and political chaos, and the last survivor is on borrowed time, riven by racial antagonisms and a social malaise so deep that its children massacre each other in their own schools.

Only one thing is really holding back the new nationalism: for all the widespread concerns of ordinary people about the effects of the liberals' 'One World' project, the chunky scraps falling from the table at the last banquet of Western liberal-capitalism are feeding a consumer-led boom based on borrowed money and essentially parasitic service industries. How much longer will this go on? Is there indeed a 'new paradigm', by which the impact of information technology has rewritten the fundamental laws of economics to create an endless boom?

All the way up the extraordinary Western bull market of the late 1990s, various experts have issued dire warnings of financial Armageddon; from the managers of some of the world's biggest pension funds to the chairman of the US Federal Reserve, they have warned repeatedly of 'irrational exuberence' in the stock market. Thus far, however, their warnings have been ignored.

Now another well-respected voice has joined the Cassandras predicting big trouble ahead. Barton Biggs, a senior and well-respected Wall Street commentator, has this to say in the latest issue of Morgan Stanley's European Investment Perspectives:

"If the technology falters, these new companies cannot withstand pessimism because then all the engineers desert ship. As for the venture capitalists, they have gone to business school, speak the jargon, understand nothing and flock like wildebeests."

Mr. Biggs is unconvinced by those who claim that the new technology has somehow changed the rules of the game, not least because precisely the same was said about cars, electrification and aeroplanes in the long bull market which ended in the disastrous Crash of 1929:

"The history of manias is that they have almost always been solidly based on revolutionary developments that eventually change the world. Without fail, the bubble stage of these crazes ends in tears and massive wealth destruction."

And, of course, the bigger the bubble, the bigger the economic mess it makes when it bursts. How big is this one? Once again, Biggs has no words of reassurance for those whose continued political success relies heavily on continued economic growth:

"The technology, internet and telecommunications craze has gone parabolic in what is one of the greatest, if not the greatest, manias of all time."

It is said that one or two professional investors bailed out of the stock market just before the 1929 crash because the fact that hotel bell-boys were swapping share tips convinced them that the boom was so unfounded that it was about to end. Perhaps future historians of the .com bubble will see the current explosion in computerised day-trading by untrained small investors as having given the same warning. Or perhaps the sheer weight of pension fund money looking for a home will keep the whole stock market balloon inflated for still more years, holding trading values at levels which the Federal Reserve's Alan Greenspan described as 'irrational' even when they were half today's dizzy peaks, and which Barton Biggs calls, rather more bluntly, 'madness'.

But even though the bubble will one day burst, this fact in itself will not automatically transform the fortunes of nationalist opponents of the liberal status quo. Even with shares dropping through the floor, life for most people will go on pretty much as normal. Belts would have to be tightened many more notches than is realistically likely before 1930s-style hunger marches were anything other than overblown propaganda gestures. The Japanese, after all, has now endured more than ten years of economic stagnation following the bursting of their own asset price bubble, but the majority of them still go to work, tend their bonsai trees, enjoy karaoke nights and push their children to excel in school. Life goes on.

But the end of the nineties boom, whenever it finally comes, will lead to a very significant decline in the 'feel-good factor', which is so important in determining the popularity - or otherwise - of governments and politico-economic systems. Naturally enough, individuals who are personally fairly satisfied with their lot in life, and with the prospects facing their children, are less likely to turn to a new political party, particularly one vilified as 'dangerously extreme', than are people who feel let down or threatened by a system which is failing them. Thus the long Japanese-style recession which will probably hit the USA and Britain after the .com bubble bursts, while in no way guaranteeing radical political change, will at least create a much more favourable climate for those who advocate it.

This is what makes the present organisation-building work of the British National Party so important, and so urgent. The great value, for example, of the decentralised 'virtual headquarters' administrative machine which we are building at present is not just that it will be much more efficient than the old 'national office' which preceded it, but that it is far more capable of the expansion which will be needed to accommodate future rapid growth. Similarly, the real political value of the party's various circles, such as Land & People, Renaissance and the Association of British Ex-Servicemen, is not in the relatively small number of newcomers we can involve in them under present conditions, but in the way in which they will help us to bring on board and involve large numbers of people when external circumstances swing further in our favour.

I say 'swing further', rather than simply 'swing', because, in one crucial area, the big change has already begun. With the Government declaring that "London is full up," cities and towns up and down the country, including areas hitherto virtually untouched by immigration, are going to be hit by a wave of immigration every bit as rapid and sudden as the influxes of the first round of the 'multiracial experiment'. The fact that this time the newcomers have been tagged with sympathy-winning labels such as 'refugees' and 'asylum-seekers' should fool nobody, nor does it seem to - this is mass immigration.

And what immigrants! A large proportion of them - the Albanians, Afghans and Somalis, for example - have traditionally violent, bandit cultures and, in addition, have been brutalised by decades of Communism and/or civil war. As potential neighbours there is no comparison between them and the conservative, church-going West Indians and the humble ex-Raj Asians whose arrival a generation ago sparked the first great wave of British nationalist expansion. Make no mistake about it, the new wave of immigration is going to cause trouble, not in twenty years time but virtually immediately! And this trouble - and the fear of it - is going to touch the entire country.

Numerous opinion polls reveal almost solid rejection of the Government policy of allowing these people to come here. Even slightly earlier immigrant communities agree with the native host population in opposing their arrival, with the West Indian community being perhaps the most hostile to the newcomers. Judging from the rash of front-page headlines on the issue, the popular press is clearly finding that shock stories about 'Soft-Touch Britain' strike a chord and sell papers. This in turn will inevitably create a demand for the political expression of anti-immigration feeling, something which no other party is able to provide. Such is the fear of the 'anti-racist' lobby and the ideological liberalisation of the Conservative Party that the Tories are unlikely to repeat Margaret Thatcher's race card trick; the media are setting up goals for an anti-immigration party to score, and we're the only one on the field.

All this means that there is huge potential for us in this issue, it is literally going to transform the political climate in which we operate. The British National Party is entering a completely new phase. The scale of the opportunity opening up for us is remarkably similar to that which allowed the old National Front to grow from being an obscure fringe group in 1970 to being a household name by 1974 and a mass movement in 1976. The big difference is that we are already far larger, better organised and professional that the early Front, so our ability to capitalise on the developing situation is far greater.

Perhaps most significant of all is the enormous reserve of experienced activists and organisers who, having passed through the ranks of the NF or the BNP at some stage over the last twenty-five years or so, are now capable of being reinvolved once again. Some have already taken the plunge, and many more are on the brink, and for every one we know about we can be sure that there are three or four more who haven't yet made themselves known. I have no doubt, though, that many of them are among the thousands of anonymous surfers who visit our websites every month, and that more of them will take up the challenge again over the next year or so.

Then there are the huge numbers of residents of the towns and cities literally all over Britain which are about to get first-hand experience of the true meaning of a multiculturalism which they have hitherto enjoyed only on their TV sets. Over the last few weeks alone, for example, it has been announced that a handful of Welsh towns, including Wrexham and Newport, are due to be forced to take 5,000 asylum-seekers. Hundreds are already on their way to the north east, with Newcastle and Sunderland set to get particularly large numbers. This is going to make immigration a bigger issue, with national rather than local resonance, than has ever been the case before, and it is going to increase greatly the number of people who understand that we have a problem without having seen it go on for so long that they think it's too late to do something to tackle it.

To capitalise on this enormous opportunity, the British National Party is going to spend the first few months of the new millennium hammering away at this single issue. Well-established branches with target wards, and go-ahead units taking advantage of special local opportunities will, of course, be encouraged to keep on producing their own leaflets on local topics. But they will be doing double-drops with anti-asylum seeker leaflets as well. Publicity-drives on other issues have a very important place in broadening our appeal, but when an issue is ringing as many bells with the public as this, we must push its particular button again and again in every part of the country in which it is relevant.

To that end, the party's very popular leaflet on this subject, 'We Say No', is being reissued, having been reworked so that all normal, decent people will now find they agree with the BNP when they read that 'We Say Yes'. We have set the target of distributing half-a-million leaflets on this issue in the first two months of the New Year. This target is perfectly realistic, but only if every branch and group in the party's nationwide publicity machine pulls its weight. Individual members can also help with this campaign. Except for the housebound and the very elderly, there is no reason why every single member shouldn't be able to distribute at least 1,000 copies personally over the same time; it's just a matter of setting yourself a target and taking action to reach it.

With the political climate changing rapidly in our favour, the return on such work - in terms of enquiries and new members as well as publicity and increased popular sympathy - is increasing steadily. With the popularity of the increasingly jaded and clumsy government of Tony Blair fast running out, and with William Hague's Tory party now having collapsed to the point at which worthwhile candidates cannot be found for even winnable marginal seats such as Chester, there has

, there has never been a better time for the work of building the organisation which will become a mass nationalist movement.

It will not be easy. It will not, from the standpoint of those involved, be quick. Our progress will not be without setbacks. But make no mistake, it can, and will, be done.

To those reading this who are already involved, I say redouble your efforts, for they are more likely to be rewarded now than ever before. To those who have been involved in the past, but who have been watching from the sidelines, I say put behind you any lingering grudges or niggling doubts - if your experience enables you to see things which the BNP still isn't doing right, the answer is not to stand back and complain, but to climb aboard and help make things even better. And to those of you who have been looking for a solution to the problems faced by our nation in these dark times, but who have only just come into contact with the British National Party, I say look no further. The BNP not only has the right ideas, it is also building the organisational machine needed to achieve, step-by-step, the political power needed to put them into practice.

And to all of you, I say that the long process of building that machine will be that bit shorter, that bit easier, and that bit more efficient, if you will accept your responsibility to help. That help can be given in many forms, so there is no excuse for doing nothing. All over the British Isles, and in places as far away as North America, South Africa and Australia, our members and supporters are working literally twenty-four hours a day to build the British National Party. At the dawn of our century, isn't it time you joined the team which is going to make history and secure for our children a golden future in the sacred land of our ancestors?
 
B

Boy Racer (unreg.)

Guest
> What follows is an important article from the British National
> Party website which should be of interest to all UK Morrissey
> fans who are proud of their heritage and of being British and
> who feel that it's time to rise against the liberal tide of
> immigration and the denigration of family values.

> "Poor Asian boy
> What drugs are you on?"

> Morrissey "Asian Rut" (1991)

> THE WAY AHEAD by BNP Chairman, Nick Griffin

> THIS is going to be our century! The last one hundred years of
> the old millennium saw the triumph of internationalism in its
> various forms, principally Marxism and globalist liberalism. The
> temporary victory of these unnatural, anti-human
> pseudo-religions led inevitably to human misery and cultural and
> environmental destruction on an unprecedented scale. It is no
> coincidence that the materialist century was the bloodiest and
> most brutal in the history of mankind. And even when there
> hasn't been war, every European nation in the world has had to
> endure catastrophically low birth-rates combined with a
> relentlessly rising suicide rate among young men, the
> normalisation of homosexuality, deadly self-inflicted eating
> disorders among young women, and the development of a deadly
> drugs anti-culture among young people generally. Together with
> the miscegenation that follows racial integration, these things
> are both the symptoms and the expression of national and ethnic
> suicide.

> But even as we wade through the rotten fruits of liberalism, the
> new, green shoots of national revival can be seen pushing
> through the detritus of the old century at every turn: The new
> science of genetics is exposing egalitarianism and
> environmentalism, the foundations of both liberalism and
> Marxism, as fraudulent superstitions; expressions of national,
> religious and ethnic identities which a few years ago seemed
> doomed to drown in the blood let loose by Communism or in a
> global sea of Coca-Cola, are on the rise around the world; in
> country after country, new political movements based on
> traditional values take two steps forward for every one they are
> forced to make backwards; of the three great powers which carved
> up the world at Yalta, one has lost its empire and become a mere
> province in someone else's, one has collapsed into economic and
> political chaos, and the last survivor is on borrowed time,
> riven by racial antagonisms and a social malaise so deep that
> its children massacre each other in their own schools.

> Only one thing is really holding back the new nationalism: for
> all the widespread concerns of ordinary people about the effects
> of the liberals' 'One World' project, the chunky scraps falling
> from the table at the last banquet of Western liberal-capitalism
> are feeding a consumer-led boom based on borrowed money and
> essentially parasitic service industries. How much longer will
> this go on? Is there indeed a 'new paradigm', by which the
> impact of information technology has rewritten the fundamental
> laws of economics to create an endless boom?

> All the way up the extraordinary Western bull market of the late
> 1990s, various experts have issued dire warnings of financial
> Armageddon; from the managers of some of the world's biggest
> pension funds to the chairman of the US Federal Reserve, they
> have warned repeatedly of 'irrational exuberence' in the stock
> market. Thus far, however, their warnings have been ignored.

> Now another well-respected voice has joined the Cassandras
> predicting big trouble ahead. Barton Biggs, a senior and
> well-respected Wall Street commentator, has this to say in the
> latest issue of Morgan Stanley's European Investment
> Perspectives:

> "If the technology falters, these new companies cannot
> withstand pessimism because then all the engineers desert ship.
> As for the venture capitalists, they have gone to business
> school, speak the jargon, understand nothing and flock like
> wildebeests."

> Mr. Biggs is unconvinced by those who claim that the new
> technology has somehow changed the rules of the game, not least
> because precisely the same was said about cars, electrification
> and aeroplanes in the long bull market which ended in the
> disastrous Crash of 1929:

> "The history of manias is that they have almost always been
> solidly based on revolutionary developments that eventually
> change the world. Without fail, the bubble stage of these crazes
> ends in tears and massive wealth destruction."

> And, of course, the bigger the bubble, the bigger the economic
> mess it makes when it bursts. How big is this one? Once again,
> Biggs has no words of reassurance for those whose continued
> political success relies heavily on continued economic growth:

> "The technology, internet and telecommunications craze has
> gone parabolic in what is one of the greatest, if not the
> greatest, manias of all time."

> It is said that one or two professional investors bailed out of
> the stock market just before the 1929 crash because the fact
> that hotel bell-boys were swapping share tips convinced them
> that the boom was so unfounded that it was about to end. Perhaps
> future historians of the .com bubble will see the current
> explosion in computerised day-trading by untrained small
> investors as having given the same warning. Or perhaps the sheer
> weight of pension fund money looking for a home will keep the
> whole stock market balloon inflated for still more years,
> holding trading values at levels which the Federal Reserve's
> Alan Greenspan described as 'irrational' even when they were
> half today's dizzy peaks, and which Barton Biggs calls, rather
> more bluntly, 'madness'.

> But even though the bubble will one day burst, this fact in
> itself will not automatically transform the fortunes of
> nationalist opponents of the liberal status quo. Even with
> shares dropping through the floor, life for most people will go
> on pretty much as normal. Belts would have to be tightened many
> more notches than is realistically likely before 1930s-style
> hunger marches were anything other than overblown propaganda
> gestures. The Japanese, after all, has now endured more than ten
> years of economic stagnation following the bursting of their own
> asset price bubble, but the majority of them still go to work,
> tend their bonsai trees, enjoy karaoke nights and push their
> children to excel in school. Life goes on.

> But the end of the nineties boom, whenever it finally comes,
> will lead to a very significant decline in the 'feel-good
> factor', which is so important in determining the popularity -
> or otherwise - of governments and politico-economic systems.
> Naturally enough, individuals who are personally fairly
> satisfied with their lot in life, and with the prospects facing
> their children, are less likely to turn to a new political
> party, particularly one vilified as 'dangerously extreme', than
> are people who feel let down or threatened by a system which is
> failing them. Thus the long Japanese-style recession which will
> probably hit the USA and Britain after the .com bubble bursts,
> while in no way guaranteeing radical political change, will at
> least create a much more favourable climate for those who
> advocate it.

> This is what makes the present organisation-building work of the
> British National Party so important, and so urgent. The great
> value, for example, of the decentralised 'virtual headquarters'
> administrative machine which we are building at present is not
> just that it will be much more efficient than the old 'national
> office' which preceded it, but that it is far more capable of
> the expansion which will be needed to accommodate future rapid
> growth. Similarly, the real political value of the party's
> various circles, such as Land & People, Renaissance and the
> Association of British Ex-Servicemen, is not in the relatively
> small number of newcomers we can involve in them under present
> conditions, but in the way in which they will help us to bring
> on board and involve large numbers of people when external
> circumstances swing further in our favour.

> I say 'swing further', rather than simply 'swing', because, in
> one crucial area, the big change has already begun. With the
> Government declaring that "London is full up," cities
> and towns up and down the country, including areas hitherto
> virtually untouched by immigration, are going to be hit by a
> wave of immigration every bit as rapid and sudden as the
> influxes of the first round of the 'multiracial experiment'. The
> fact that this time the newcomers have been tagged with
> sympathy-winning labels such as 'refugees' and 'asylum-seekers'
> should fool nobody, nor does it seem to - this is mass
> immigration.

> And what immigrants! A large proportion of them - the Albanians,
> Afghans and Somalis, for example - have traditionally violent,
> bandit cultures and, in addition, have been brutalised by
> decades of Communism and/or civil war. As potential neighbours
> there is no comparison between them and the conservative,
> church-going West Indians and the humble ex-Raj Asians whose
> arrival a generation ago sparked the first great wave of British
> nationalist expansion. Make no mistake about it, the new wave of
> immigration is going to cause trouble, not in twenty years time
> but virtually immediately! And this trouble - and the fear of it
> - is going to touch the entire country.

> Numerous opinion polls reveal almost solid rejection of the
> Government policy of allowing these people to come here. Even
> slightly earlier immigrant communities agree with the native
> host population in opposing their arrival, with the West Indian
> community being perhaps the most hostile to the newcomers.
> Judging from the rash of front-page headlines on the issue, the
> popular press is clearly finding that shock stories about
> 'Soft-Touch Britain' strike a chord and sell papers. This in
> turn will inevitably create a demand for the political
> expression of anti-immigration feeling, something which no other
> party is able to provide. Such is the fear of the 'anti-racist'
> lobby and the ideological liberalisation of the Conservative
> Party that the Tories are unlikely to repeat Margaret Thatcher's
> race card trick; the media are setting up goals for an
> anti-immigration party to score, and we're the only one on the
> field.

> All this means that there is huge potential for us in this
> issue, it is literally going to transform the political climate
> in which we operate. The British National Party is entering a
> completely new phase. The scale of the opportunity opening up
> for us is remarkably similar to that which allowed the old
> National Front to grow from being an obscure fringe group in
> 1970 to being a household name by 1974 and a mass movement in
> 1976. The big difference is that we are already far larger,
> better organised and professional that the early Front, so our
> ability to capitalise on the developing situation is far
> greater.

> Perhaps most significant of all is the enormous reserve of
> experienced activists and organisers who, having passed through
> the ranks of the NF or the BNP at some stage over the last
> twenty-five years or so, are now capable of being reinvolved
> once again. Some have already taken the plunge, and many more
> are on the brink, and for every one we know about we can be sure
> that there are three or four more who haven't yet made
> themselves known. I have no doubt, though, that many of them are
> among the thousands of anonymous surfers who visit our websites
> every month, and that more of them will take up the challenge
> again over the next year or so.

> Then there are the huge numbers of residents of the towns and
> cities literally all over Britain which are about to get
> first-hand experience of the true meaning of a multiculturalism
> which they have hitherto enjoyed only on their TV sets. Over the
> last few weeks alone, for example, it has been announced that a
> handful of Welsh towns, including Wrexham and Newport, are due
> to be forced to take 5,000 asylum-seekers. Hundreds are already
> on their way to the north east, with Newcastle and Sunderland
> set to get particularly large numbers. This is going to make
> immigration a bigger issue, with national rather than local
> resonance, than has ever been the case before, and it is going
> to increase greatly the number of people who understand that we
> have a problem without having seen it go on for so long that
> they think it's too late to do something to tackle it.

> To capitalise on this enormous opportunity, the British National
> Party is going to spend the first few months of the new
> millennium hammering away at this single issue. Well-established
> branches with target wards, and go-ahead units taking advantage
> of special local opportunities will, of course, be encouraged to
> keep on producing their own leaflets on local topics. But they
> will be doing double-drops with anti-asylum seeker leaflets as
> well. Publicity-drives on other issues have a very important
> place in broadening our appeal, but when an issue is ringing as
> many bells with the public as this, we must push its particular
> button again and again in every part of the country in which it
> is relevant.

> To that end, the party's very popular leaflet on this subject,
> 'We Say No', is being reissued, having been reworked so that all
> normal, decent people will now find they agree with the BNP when
> they read that 'We Say Yes'. We have set the target of
> distributing half-a-million leaflets on this issue in the first
> two months of the New Year. This target is perfectly realistic,
> but only if every branch and group in the party's nationwide
> publicity machine pulls its weight. Individual members can also
> help with this campaign. Except for the housebound and the very
> elderly, there is no reason why every single member shouldn't be
> able to distribute at least 1,000 copies personally over the
> same time; it's just a matter of setting yourself a target and
> taking action to reach it.

> With the political climate changing rapidly in our favour, the
> return on such work - in terms of enquiries and new members as
> well as publicity and increased popular sympathy - is increasing
> steadily. With the popularity of the increasingly jaded and
> clumsy government of Tony Blair fast running out, and with
> William Hague's Tory party now having collapsed to the point at
> which worthwhile candidates cannot be found for even winnable
> marginal seats such as Chester, there has

> , there has never been a better time for the work of building
> the organisation which will become a mass nationalist movement.

> It will not be easy. It will not, from the standpoint of those
> involved, be quick. Our progress will not be without setbacks.
> But make no mistake, it can, and will, be done.

> To those reading this who are already involved, I say redouble
> your efforts, for they are more likely to be rewarded now than
> ever before. To those who have been involved in the past, but
> who have been watching from the sidelines, I say put behind you
> any lingering grudges or niggling doubts - if your experience
> enables you to see things which the BNP still isn't doing right,
> the answer is not to stand back and complain, but to climb
> aboard and help make things even better. And to those of you who
> have been looking for a solution to the problems faced by our
> nation in these dark times, but who have only just come into
> contact with the British National Party, I say look no further.
> The BNP not only has the right ideas, it is also building the
> organisational machine needed to achieve, step-by-step, the
> political power needed to put them into practice.

> And to all of you, I say that the long process of building that
> machine will be that bit shorter, that bit easier, and that bit
> more efficient, if you will accept your responsibility to help.
> That help can be given in many forms, so there is no excuse for
> doing nothing. All over the British Isles, and in places as far
> away as North America, South Africa and Australia, our members
> and supporters are working literally twenty-four hours a day to
> build the British National Party. At the dawn of our century,
> isn't it time you joined the team which is going to make history
> and secure for our children a golden future in the sacred land
> of our ancestors?

This odious @#!!!e is advocating the curtailing of British citizen's human rights. Who ever runs this discussion board should read the above and have a think about what is being said and the possible ramifications of giving this filth a platform. If you have sufficient understanding of British political history, the social issues raised and are convinced the above merits serious discussion then have the courage to state your position. Otherwise get rid of it. Shame on you if you don't act.
 
P

polkadot (unreg.)

Guest
don't you understand

1. Years ago Morrissey was drubbed for using fascist imagery and writing about race relations

2. His fans are still hysterically upset about how the media treat Morrissey.

3. This person is implying that we should read this feeble essay because Morrissey and his fans are racist.

4. He is trying to make you angry by pushing your buttons. He has succeeded. Bravo!

or alternately

4a. He is a genuinely deluded bigoted bastard. These people thrive on conflict. You've made him feel very important. Bravo!




0140234497.01.LZZZZZZZ.gif
 
T

The Person Underneath (unreg.)

Guest
"Why do you come here? And why do you hang around?"
 
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